THE GREATER CENTRAL ASIA CONCEPT IN U.S. FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CENTRAL ASIAN REGION
Akhman SAIDMURADOV, Ekaterina PUSEVA
Akhman Saidmuradov, Post-Graduate Student at the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Foreign Ministry (Moscow, Russian Federation)
Ekaterina Puseva, Candidate for a Master’s Degree at the Catholic University of Eichstätt-Ingolstadt (Ingolstadt, FRG)
The main global scientific centers and think-tanks engaged in drawing up paradigms have become extremely interested in the changes that have occurred on the political map of the world after the disintegration of the Soviet Union. The collapse of the bipolar world has led to a transformation in how some of its former regions are perceived, which, in turn, has led to new spatial-political conceptions and theories called upon to facilitate in an integral systemic way the foreign political approaches of specific states to the changes going on.
The transformational changes on the political map also took place in the former Soviet Central Asian region, which, for natural economic and geostrategic reasons, has become one of the important sectors of international policy since the beginning of the 1990s.
This article takes a look at the main geo-spatial conceptual models drawn up by the American expert community that apply to the countries of the Middle East, in particular to the Central Asian countries, and also evaluates their pertinence and degree of myth. The article’s authors focus particular attention on the Greater Central Asia (GCA) concept.
A Search for New Approaches and the Need to Apply Geo-Concepts to the Post-Soviet Expanse
At the beginning of the 1990s, geo-spatial concepts began to play an increasingly important role; they were regarded as a foreign policy tool of certain states regarding the geopolitical phenomena and processes occurring in post-Soviet reality. According to A. Ulunian, there were several factors that prompted geo-spatial theories to be pursued at the end of the 20th century, the main ones being:
1. The need for specific countries to define their foreign policy vector.
2. The subjective need for certain countries (or groups of countries) to position themselves spatially in the regional or global dimension.
3. The need to synchronize the changes in the global distribution of centers of power and the need to carry out foreign policy in the context of the available political, military-strategic, and economic capabilities of the corresponding states or their unions.
There must be a logical consistency, depending on the changes occurring on the political map of the world at the end of the 20th century, when applying various geo-spatial concepts (or theories).
As we know, the term “theory” implies a set of views and ideas that make it possible to draw certain (largely qualitative) conclusions about any………………