AUTHORITARIAN/ CONSTITUTIONAL-PATRONAGE REGIMES IN CENTRAL ASIA
Abstract
The Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan and public demonstrations in Uzbekistan have drawn the attention of the outside world to the political realities and social conditions of these countries. As a result, those who have dealings with this part of the world have begun to ask the following questions: What caused these events to happen? Might we see similar events happening in neighboring countries in the near future?
In order to answer these questions it is necessary to go back several years. In 1991 when these countries unexpectedly gained independence, the leaders had to find radical and structural solutions to the extremely difficult condi tions—social, economic and political—which prevailed in their societies at this time. Their long-term aim was to align their political and economic systems with those of the rest of the world. Although certain regional states possessed enormous reserves of natural gas and oil, they lacked both an efficient economic system and state institutions that would permit their countries to exercise their country’s responsibilities and rights according to international law. Moreover, the Nationalities Policy put forward by Joseph Stalin in 1924, had never been implemented. Their desire, at this stage, was therefore to construct a new state, which would aspire to a free market economy and democratic values.
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References
See: N. Robinson, Russia: A State of Uncertainty, Routledge, New York, 2002.
See: International Crisis Group, “The Failure of Reform in Uzbekistan: Ways Forward for the International Com-munity,” Asia Report, No. 76, 11 March, 2004, p. 1.
For further information about identity issue in the Turkish world, see: M. Aça, H. Durgut,
(Globalized World and Turkish Identity), , 2004.
For further information, see: E. Efeg l and Y. Çolak, “Central Asia in Transition: Deteriorating Policies of the Central Asian Leaders,” in: Security of the Post-Soviet Space: Realities and Stereotypes, ed. by Sergey Golunov, Volgograd State University Regional and Transboundary Studies Center, Volgograd, 2003, pp. 28-35.
See: International Crisis Group, “Repression and Regression in Turkmenistan: A New International Strategy,” Asia Report, No. 85, 4 November, 2004, p. 8.
See: N.J. Melvin, Uzbekistan: Transition to Authoritarianism on the Silk Road, Harwood Academic Publications,Canada, 2000.
See: International Crisis Group, “Cracks in the Marble: Turkmenistan’s Failing Dictatorship,” Asia Group, No. 44,17 January, 2003, pp. 3-5, 21; International Crisis Group, “Repression and Regression in Turkmenistan: A New International Strategy,” pp. 3-5, 9-10.
See: J. Anderson, Kyrgyzstan: Central Asia’s Island of Democracy, Harwood Academic Publishing, Canada, 1999;International Crisis Group, “Kyrgyzstan’s Political Crisis: An Exit Strategy,” Asia Report, No. 37, 20 August, 2002, pp. 7-14; International Crisis Group, “Political Transition in Kyrgyzstan: Problems and Prospects,” Asia Report, No. 81, 11 Au-gust, 2004, pp. 4-10.
See: International Crisis Group, “Tajikistan: A Roadmap for Development,” Asia Report, No. 51, 24 April, 2003,p. 10; International Crisis Group, “Tajikistan’s Politics: Confrontation or Consolidation?” Asia Briefing, 19 May, 2004,pp. 2-4.
See: International Crisis Group, “Uzbekistan’s Reform Program: Illusion or Reality?” Asia Report, No. 46,18 February, 2003, pp. 3-5, 22-24; International Crisis Group, “The Failure of Reform in Uzbekistan: Ways Forward For the International Community,” pp. 6-10.
See: International Crisis Group, “Cracks in the Marble: Turkmenistan’s Failing Dictatorship,” pp. 8-9; International Crisis Group, “Repression and Regression in Turkmenistan: A New International Strategy,” pp. 11-12.
See: International Crisis Group, “Tajikistan: A Roadmap for Development,” pp. 14-15; International Crisis Group,
Tajikistan’s Politics: Confrontation or Consolidation?” pp. 11-14.
International Crisis Group, “Kyrgyzstan’s Political Crisis: An Exit Strategy,” pp. 2-3.
For further information about Islamic groups in the Central Asia, see: International Crisis Group, “Is Radical Is-lam Inevitable in Central Asia? Priorities for Engagement,” Asia Report, No. 22, 22 December, 2003, pp. 5-9, 20-24.
See: International Crisis Group, “Is Radical Islam Inevitable in Central Asia? Priorities for Engagement,” Asia Report, No. 22, 22 December, 2003, pp. 3-5, 10-16.
See: International Crisis Group, “Repression and Regression in Turkmenistan: A New International Strategy,”p. 6.
See: International Crisis Group, “The Failure of Reform in Uzbekistan: Ways Forward For the International Com-munity,” p. 4.
See: International Crisis Group, “Tajikistan’s Politics: Confrontation or Consolidation?” pp. 10-12.
See: E. Efeg l, “11 , Vol. IV, No. 1,
Winter 2002, pp. 163-176; E. Efeg l, “New Chapter in the Eurasia Politics After the September 11 Attacks: Reactions to the American Attempts,” Review of Social, Economic and Business Studies, Vol. 2, Winter 2002-2003, pp. 65-89; International Crisis Group, “Is Radical Islam Inevitable in Central Asia? Priorities for Engagement,” pp. 10-16.
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