CHINA’S POLICY WITHIN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION

Authors

  • Adil KAUKENOV Deputy director, Center for Chinese Studies at the Institute of World Economics and Politics under the First President of the RK Foundation (Almaty, Kazakhstan) Author

Abstract

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) as a new international institute has gained a firm foothold in the political life of Central Asian countries. Several large projects are currently being implemented under the SCO’s auspices that can bring far-reaching changes in the region, eventually altering the balance of forces on the Eurasian continent in favor of China. The SCO’s especially promising projects include a SCO free trade area, to be created by 2020, and a regional antiterrorism structure, the first of a kind in the Central Asian region. Furthermore, the SCO has started showing ambitions of a political player whose interests extend beyond the collective national interests of its member countries and have a pronounced geopolitical character.
 The Organization is striving to encompass the key areas of activity in Central Asia, at the same time working to consolidate the member countries’ foreign policy efforts in dealing with common tasks (one example of such cooperation is the decision to bring the SCO into the peace process in Afghanistan). As of late, the Organization has been taking practical steps to become a system-forming factor, a paradigm of regional development ensuring conditions for the advancement of the Central Asian region—its security and effective interaction between its member states. There is good reason to suggest that without the SCO, these two factors in Central Asia’s development would be less organized: Both security and multipartite cooperation required the establishment of a “center of gravity” in the region, such as the SCO.
 Today, the SCO is also an important factor in a general restructuring of interstate cooperation mechanisms, political configuration and the security situation in Central Asia, as the groundwork for a new economy is being laid. A multilateral economic and security interaction mechanism that is evolving within the SCO has a positive impact on the development of relations be-tween individual member countries, as well as their interaction with extra-regional players and other international organizations. These relations are being built on what is seen as collective priorities. But taking into account the real role of China and Russia, the SCO initiatives require a more thorough analysis.
 Alongside the changes in interaction between countries in the region, the SCO has yet another important effect on the Central Asian republics and the world as a whole. The SCO “introduces” China to Central Asia as an inalienable element of regional politics and economics, strengthening its positions, and considering the SCO’s ambitions and its potential as a global organization, it also provides a major channel for China in its aspiration for the role of a new regional and global power.
 Today Beijing has entered an active phase of using the SCO in its own interests, attempting to change the geopolitical balance and the system of internal and external relations in the Central Asian republics that have evolved over the 15 years since the disintegration of the U.S.S.R. Kazakhstan is actively involved in the SCO project, proceeding from its own national interests; but from every indication, the continuation of the “Shanghai process” will have a not entirely favorable impact on Kazakhstan’s security. The negative trends that are evolving with respect to the Republic of Kazakhstan stem from the place that the PRC is striving to take in the Central Asian region, as well as the goals that the Chinese side has set itself, and that it intends to achieve through the SCO. 

Downloads

Download data is not yet available.

References

See: Li Lifan, Ding Shiwu, “Geopolitical Interests of Russia, the U.S. and China in Central Asia,” Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 3 (27), 2004, pp. 141-142.

See: Ya. Berger, “China’s Grand Strategy in the Eyes of American and Chinese Scholars,” Far Eastern Affairs,No. 1, 2006.

See: Ji Zhiye, “Novye problemy kitaiskoi politiki v otnoshenii gosudarstv Tsentral’noi Azii,” in: Kitai i Tsentral’naia Azia: sotrudnichestvo s tseliu obespecheniia regional’noi bezopasnosti i protsvetaniia, Documents of a Scientific Confer-ence, 13-14 September, Urumqi, 2005, pp. 18-19.

See: R. Mukimdzhanova, “Central Asian States and China: Cooperation Today and Prospects for Tomorrow,”Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 4 (28), 2004.

See: Zhang Yunling, “Dui Wo Guo Wai Xiang Fazhan Zhanlue de Fenxin yu Fansi (Analysis of China’s Extensive Development Strategy),” Dangdai Ya Tai (Studies of the Asia-Pacific Region), No. 8, 2006, pp. 3-11.

See: Zhao Huasheng, “China, Russia, and the U.S.: Their Interests, Postures, and Interrelations in Central Asia,”Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 5 (29), 2004, p. 116.

See: Pan Guang, Hu Jian, 21 Shiji de Di Yi Ge Xin Xing Qucheng Hezuo Zuzhi. Dui Shanghai Hezuo Zuzhi Zong-he Yanjiu (The First Regional Cooperation Organization of a New Type in the 21st Century. Comprehensive Analysis of the SCO), Beijing, 2006, pp . 21-24.

See: Zhang Ming, “ San Jinrong , Zhong Ya Guojia Fazhan Dui Zhongguo Xiang Xi Kaifang Zhanlue de Yinxiang Pinxi (The Impact of Central Asian Countries on the Development of China’s Western Province),” Eluosi Zhong Ya Dong Ou Shichang (The Market of Russia, Central Asia, and Eastern Europe), No . 8, 2006, pp. 9-20.

See: Li Fenglin, “Potentsial energeticheskogo sotrudnichestva mezhdu Kitaem i Kazakhstanom,” in: Kazakhstan i Kitai. Strategicheskoe partnerstvo v tseliakh razvitia, Documents of a Scientific Conference, Almaty, 2006, pp. 36-37.

See: Sun Zhuangzhi, “Tuidong Qucheng Jingji Hezuo (Advancing Regional Economic Cooperation),” Renmin ribao, 9 June, 2006, p . 7.

See: L.M. Muzaparova, “Kazakhstansko-kitaiskoe energeticheskoe sontrudnichestvo: otsenka potentsiala i napravleniia razvitia,” in: Kazakhstan i Kitai: strategicheskoe partnerstvo, Documents of a Scientific Conference, IMEP, Almaty, 2006.

See: Hu Hao, “Tendentsii energodiplomatii mirovykh derzhav i perspektivy kitaisko-kazakhstanskogo energet-icheskogo sotrudnichestva,” in: Kazakhstan i Kitai. Strategicheskoe partnerstvo v tseliakh razvitia, pp. 40-41.

See: M.K. Bhadrakumar, “Foul Play in the Great Game,” Asia Times, 12 July, 2005; A. Cohen, “‘Great Games’

n Central Asia,” Washington ProFile, 16 July, 2005.

From a presentation by Dr. Shao Yuqun (The Shanghai Institute of International Studies, the PRC) at the Third Annual Almaty Conference on Security and Regional Cooperation at the Kazakhstan Institute of Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, 21 June, 2005.

Liu Qinghai, “KNR: geopoliticheskaia sreda i vneshniaia politika dobrososedstva,” Problemy Dalnego Vostoka,No. 2, 2006, p. 38.

See: Shi Ze, “Relations Between China and Central Asian Countries Face Opportunity of All-Round Development,”China International Studies, Winter 2005, p. 83.

See: J. Melet, “China’s Political and Economic Relations with Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan,” Central Asian Sur-vey, No. 2, 1998, p. 243.

Some scholars believe the SCO formation shows that Moscow’s position in Central Asia has weakened (see, for example: F. Khamraev, “NATO-SCO: Struggle against Terrorism and/or for Domination in Central Asia,” Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 2 (26), 2004, p. 67).

See: V.A. Korsun, “Diplomatia KNR v bor’be za postsovetskoe nasledstvo v Tsentral’noi Azii,” in: Severo-vostochnaia i Tsentral’naia Azia: dinamika mezhdunarodnykh i mezhregiona’nykh vzaimodeistvii, MGIMO, Moscow, 2004, p. 413.

See: B. Lo, “The Fine Balance—The Strange Case of Sino-Russian Relations,” Russie. Nei. Visions, No. 1, April 2005.

See: V. Kindalov, O. Limanov, “Russia and China in Central Asia: Geopolitical Changes,” Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 3 (21), 2003, pp. 73-74.

See: I. Komissina, A. Kurtov, “Problemy razvitia sotrudnichestva Kitaia i Tsentral’noi Azii,” in: Novaia Evrazia:

ossia i strany blizhnego zarubezhia, Analytical Almanac, Issue 15, RISI, Moscow, 2003, p. 43.

See: Xing Guangcheng, “The Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the Fight against Terrorism, Extremism, and Separatism,” Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 4 (16), 2002.

See: Chen Yurong, “ShOS v novoi obstanovke,” in: Kitai i Tsentral’naia Azia: sotrudnichestvo s tseliu obespeche-niia regional’noi bezopasnosti i protsvetaniia, pp. 30-33.

See: K. Khafizova, “Separatism in China’s Xinjiang-Uighur Autonomous Region: Dynamics and Potential Impact on Central Asia,” Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 1 (19), 2003, pp. 15-16.

See: V. Mikheev, “Kitai i ShOS: problemy vzaimodeistvia ‘velikikh derzhav’ i perspektivy organizatsii,” in: ShOS:

tanovlenie i perspektivy razvitia, Almaty, 2005.

See: Pan Guang, Hu Jian, op. cit.

See: Bishkek Declaration of heads of state of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the People’s Republic of China, the Kyrgyz Republic, the Russian Federation, and the Republic of Tajikistan, in: Diplomaticheskaia sluzhba v Respublike Ka-zakhstan, Almaty, 2004.

See: Ruan Qishan, “Imeet li ShOS strategicheskuiu vazhnost dlia Kitaia?,” available at [http://www.junshi.com/

an/200106/1238320010618.htm].

Downloads

Published

2007-06-30

Issue

Section

CHINA’S POLICY IN CENTRAL EURASIA: SPECIFICS AND PROSPECTS

How to Cite

KAUKENOV, A. (2007). CHINA’S POLICY WITHIN THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION. CENTRAL ASIA AND THE CAUCASUS, 8(3), 62-76. https://ca-c.org/CAC/index.php/cac/article/view/1079

Plaudit