A CLOSE-UP VIEW OF INDIAN-TAJIK POLITICAL COOPERATION: THE INDIAN PERSPECTIVE
Abstract
Indian researchers cannot seem to arrive at a consensus about the prime tasks of the new relations between the newly independent republics of Central Asia, on the one hand, and the South Asian countries (particularly India and Pakistan), on the other. Some experts assert that the economic aspect prevails over the political and that India is primarily interested in economic trade cooperation with the Central Asian states and evaluates political (including ethnic, confessional, etc.) factors only on the basis of its economic interests. Other specialists, on the contrary, believe that during the 1990s India was in fact preoccupied with preventing political instability in the Central Asian region and not with economic cooperation with the Central Asian republics. Politics prevailed over economics. Only after the political situation in Central Asia became more stable did India start considering economic cooperation with the region.1
Whereby it is worth noting that Tajik-Indian contacts have been traditionally characterized by a clear prevalence of precisely the economic component. The migration of various groups to the Indian subcontinent over the centuries through or directly from the territory of present-day Tajikistan,2 unification of the Tajik and Indian regions within the same states (the Achaemenid Empire, Alexander Makedonsky’s Empire, Bactria, the Kushan Empire, the Hephthalite state, the state of the Gaznevids and Timurids, etc.), and even the rule in the South Asian Delhi Sultanate of the ethnic Tajik Gurid dynasty could not compare in terms of significance with the role of the cultural-civilizational and economic trade cooperation between both sides. Several researchers believe that this cooperation began as early as the Upper Paleolithic Age when the first economic relations arose between the bearers of the archeological cultures of South Tajikistan and North-West India.3 During the Bronze Age, the northern trade route of the cities of the Harappa Indus civilization passed through Badakhshan; and a Harappa trade colony—the site of the ancient town of Shortugai A (2200-2000 BC)—was discovered on the south banks of the Panj.4 Active economic contacts between the present-day territories of India-Pakistan and Tajikistan were established during the flourishing of the Kushan Empire and particularly in the late Middle Ages and recent times. This was when Tajikistan’s city centers and Tajik-populated Bukhara and Samarkand were drawn into large-scale economic (not only trade but also financial and credit) contacts with India and also began playing an active intermediate role in Indian-Russian trade.5
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From a conversation with Doctor Gulshan Sachdeva of 20 October, 2006.
With respect to this fact, Indian authors note the Indo-Iranian “kinship” of the Indian Aryans and Tajiks (see, for example: T. Firdous, “India and Central Asia. A Case Study of Indo-Tajik Relations,” in: Central Asia: Introspection,ed. by M.A. Kaw, A.A. Banday, University of Kashmir, Srinagar, 2006, p. 321). Incidentally, representatives of Tajikistan also pay attention to this circumstance (see: A. Juraev, “Socio-Cultural Challenges of Tajikistan in the 20th Century,” in:
hesis for the Conference on “Central Asia in Retrospect and Prospect,” Center for Central Asian Studies, Srinagar, Au-gust 2006, p. 5; U.A. Nazarov, “The Present State of Tajikistan-India Relations,” in: Thesis for the Conference on “Cen-tral Asia in Retrospect and Prospect,” p. 1).
G.M. Bongard-Levin, G.F. Ilyin, Indiia v drevnosti, Chief editorial board of Oriental literature of Nauka Publish-ers, Moscow, 1985, p. 595.
See: B.A. Litvinskiy, “Drevnie sviazi Indii i Srednei Azii (do VII-VIII vv. n.e.),” in: Rossiia i Indiia, ed. by N.A. Khalfin, P.M. Shastitko, Nauka Publishers, Moscow, 1986, p. 11; G.F. Ilyin, I.M. Diakonov, “Pervye gosudarstva v In-dii. Predgorodskie kul’tury Srednei Azii i Irana,” in: Istoriia drevnego mira, Book. 1, Ranniaia drevnost’, ed. by I.M. Diakonov,V.D. Neronova, I.S. Sventsitskaia, Nauka Publishers, Moscow, 1989, pp. 165, 172-173.
See, for example: M. Haidar, Indo-Central Asian Relations. From Early Times to Medieval Period, Manohar Pub-lishers & Distributors, New Delhi, 2004, pp. 260-261, 265; D. Kaushik, India and Central Asia in Modern Times. A Study in Historical-Cultural Contacts from the Early Nineteenth Century, Satvahan Publications, Delhi, 1985, pp. 24, 26-30,35-36.
A. Deshpande, “Videnie Aziatskogo sotrudnichestva Jawaharlala Nehru—kontekstual’naia, kontseptual’naia i si-nopticheskaia tochki zreniia,” in: Jawaharlal Nehru i sotrudnichestvo v Azii, Collection of articles, ed. by A. Mishra, Indian Cultural Center, Almaty, 2006, p. 157.
See: J. Nehru, Invitation to Inter-Asian Relations Conference, Selected Works, Second Series, ed. by Gen. S. Gopal,in 35 volumes, Vol. 1, Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Fund, New Delhi, 1989, p. 483.
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P. Stobdan, “Central Asia and India’s Security,” Strategic Analysis, Vol. 28, No. 1, January-March 2004, p. 71.
See: M.H. Nuri, “India and Central Asia: Past, Present and Future,” Regional Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1, Winter 1992-1993, p. 81; M.K. Palat, “India and Central Asia,” World Focus, Vol. 14, No. 3-4, March-April 1993, p. 40.
P. Stobdan, “Regional Issues in Central Asia: Implications for South Asia,” South Asian Survey, 1998, Vol. 5,No. 2, 1998, p. 253.
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See: S.D. Muni, “India and Central Asia: Towards a Co-operative Future,” in: Central Asia: The Great Game Replayed, ed. by N. Joshi, New Century Publications, New Delhi, 2003, pp.118-119.
Sh. Akbarzadeh, “India and Pakistan’s Geostrategic Rivalry in Central Asia,” Contemporary South Asia, Vol. 12,No. 2, June 2003, p. 227.
K.S. Sidhu, “Islamic World and Central Asia: Turkey, Afghanistan and Pakistan,” in: Central Asia: Present Chal-lenges and Future Prospects, ed. by V.N. Rao, M.M. Alam, Knowledge World, New Delhi, 2005, p. 175.
S.N. Bal, Central Asia: A Strategy for India’s Look-North Policy, Lancer Publishers and Distributors, New Del-hi, 2004, p. 332.
S.D. Muni, op. cit., p. 98 (see also p. 103 for the same considerations).
R. Dwivedi, “Security Scenario in Central Asia: An Indian Perspective,” in: Conceptions and Approaches to Re-gional Security: Experience, Problems, and Prospects of Cooperation in Central Asia. Data from the 4th Annual Almaty Conference (7 June, 2006), Kazakhstan Institute of Strategic Research under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan,Almaty, 2006, pp. 147, 157-158.
S.N. Bal, op. cit., p. 359.
U.A. Nazarov, op. cit., p. 6.
See: P. Stobdan, “Central Asia in Geo-Political Transition,” Strategic Analysis, Vol. 22, No. 1, 1998, p. 102.
A. Patnaik , “India-China Cooperation in Central Asia,” Security and Society, Vol. 1, No. 2, Summer 2005,p. 88.
In this respect, Indian authors note that “a rapid expansion of the traditional cultivation of opium in Afghanistan and parts of Central Asia has helped to finance the growth of religious fundamentalism in the Indian states of Punjab and Jammu and Kashmir and the Central Asian republic of Tajikistan as well” (D. Kaushik, “India and Central Asia: Renew-ing a Traditional Relationship,” South Asian Survey, Vol. 5, No. 2, 1998, p. 241); “Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan developed important opium routes and became significant opium producers themselves... In the areas bordering with Tajikistan, drug traffickers have stored tens of thousands of tons of opium” (M.S. Roy, “India’s Interests in Central Asia,” Strategic Anal-ysis, Vol. 24, No. 12, March 2001, p. 2279).
See, for example: L. Nikolaeva, “Migratsiia v Tadzhikistane: pliusy i minusy,” Azia i Afrika segodnia, No. 6,2007.
A. Patnaik, “Central Asia and Indo-Pak Relations,” World Focus, Vol. 22, No. 10-12, 2001, p. 56.
T. Firdous, op. cit., p. 323.
See: A. Sengupta, “India and Central Asia,” World Focus, Vol. 21, No. 8, August 2000, p. 23.
See: A. Patnaik, “India-Central Asia Relations: The Growing Prospects,” World Focus, Vol. 24, No. 10-12, 2003,p. 50.
G. Sachdeva, “India’s Attitude towards China’s Growing Influence in Central Asia,” China and Eurasia Forum Quarterly, Vol. 4, No. 3, 2006, p. 24 ff.
A. Patnaik, “India-China Cooperation in Central Asia...”, p. 87 (for more detail on the Indian military-strategic activity at Farkhor during NATO’s Afghan campaign, see: R. Bedi, “India Dabbles in the New ‘Great Game,’ ” Jane’s In-telligence Review, Vol. 13, No. 6, June 2002, p. 19; idem, “India and Central Asia,” Frontline, Vol. 19, No. 19, 14-27 Sep-tember, 2002, p. 60).
A. Dhaka, South Asia and Central Asia: Geopolitical Dynamics, Mangal Deep, Jaipur, 2005, p. 152.
See: Ibid., p. 150 (see also: P. Mann, India’s Foreign Policy in the Post Cold War Era, Harman Publishing House,New Delhi, 2000, p. 49; R. Khan, “Emergence of Central Asia and Its Relevance to India,” Mainstream, Vol. 30, No. 24,April 1992, p. 21). Incidentally, some Pakistani researchers also describe the OEC as an ”economic bloc of the Muslimcountries” (N. Ghufran, “The Islam Factor in Pakistan’s Relations with the Central Asian Republics,” in: Pakistan. Fifty Years of Independence, Vol. 2, Independence and Beyond: The Fifty Years—1947-1997, ed. by V. Grover, R. Arora,Deep&Deep Publications, New Delhi, 1997, p. 378).
P. Stobdan, “Regional Issues in Central Asia: Implications for South Asia...,” p. 257.
See: R. Khan, op. cit., p. 21.
A. Patnaik, “India-China Cooperation in Central Asia...,” p. 81.
See, for example: M.H. Nuri, op. cit., p. 81; P.S. Yadav,” India and the Central Asian Republics,” World Focus,
Vol. 20, No. 10, October-December 1999, p. 63; M.S. Roy, op. cit., pp. 2275, 2280; A. Patnaik, “India-Central Asia Rela-tions: The Growing Prospects...,” p. 51; T. Firdous, op. cit., p. 322.
See: M.S. Roy, “Redefining India-Central Asia Relations,” World Focus, Vol. 23, No. 6, June 2002,pp. 22-23; U.A. Nazarov, op. cit., p. 7.
See: D. Fayzullaev, “Tajikistan. V geopoliticheskikh labirintakh,” Aziia i Afrika segodnia, No. 8, 2007, pp. 28-30.
For more detail on the various alternatives for laying these corridors, see: A.E. Abishev, Kaspiy: neft’ i politika,Center of Foreign Policy and Analysis, Almaty, 2002, pp. 266-268; D.B. Malysheva, “Geopoliticheskie manevry na Kaspii,”World Economic and International Relations, No. 5, 2006, pp. 74-75; N.K. Mohapatra, “Caspian Cauldron: Role of State and Non-State Actors,” Contemporary Central Asia, Vol. 3, No. 3, 1999, p. 50; Middle East and Central Asia. Data-book,ed. by Edwards Economic Research Inc. Europa Publications, London, 2004, pp. 158-159, and others.
See: T. Firdous, op. cit., p. 324.
See: A. Patnaik, “India-China Cooperation in Central Asia...,” p. 87.
D. Kaushik, “India and Central Asia: Renewing a Traditional Relationship...,” p. 241.
M.S. Roy, “India’s Interests in Central Asia...,” p. 2276.
D. Fayzullaev, op. cit., p. 26.
See: J. Bakshi, “Russia, India and the Central Asian Republics: Geo-political Convergence,” Strategic Analysis,Vol. 19, No. 5, August 1996, pp. 735-736.
Despite the prevalent opinion that India is a potential bearer of U.S. interests in the Central Asian Region, In-dian authors themselves talk unanimously about the undesirability of the U.S.’s presence in the Central Asian states. This shows the ambiguity of India’s attitude toward the idea of Greater Central Asia, which implies the political and econom-ical unification of Central and South Asia through Afghanistan. For example, Professor A. Patnaik talks about how he is “against the idea of a Greater Central Asia a la Frederick Star-Condoleezza Rice, since this region will not realistically include (and even exclude) India, Russia, Iran, and most of China. The presence of American military bases in Central Asia, as it turned out, did not eliminate the threat of the spread of terrorism in the region; on the contrary, by interven-ing in Afghanistan and Iraq the U.S. helped the Taliban, which was previously mainly concentrated in Afghanistan, to move beyond its borders and spread its activity to Iraq, Iran, Pakistan, Jammu, and Kashmir” (A. Pantaik, Speech at the conference dedicated to the 15th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the Republic of India and the Republic of Kazakhstan, 18 February, 2007). Incidentally, the U.S. may have participated in this idea, or to be more precise, the U.S. could have carried out some actions in this vector that were of benefit to India itself. For example, according to Doctor G. Sachdeva, the U.S. is eager to unify Central and South Asia under the artificial mode of integration. It is of benefit to India and a good opportunity since the U.S. could even compel Pakistan to make the peace with India. India should use the U.S.’s presence in Afghanistan to expand its contacts with Central Asia no matter how complicated this may be (from a conversation with Doctor Gulshan Sachdeva on 20 October, 2006). Admittedly, India interprets this idea in its own way,primarily insisting that the U.S.’s intervention in its realization be limited.
A. Patnaik, “India-China Cooperation in Central Asia...,” p. 93.
V.N. Rao, “Introduction,” in: Central Asia: Present Challenges and Future Prospects..., p. 17.
A.M. Chenoy, “Central Asian Republics: Geo-Strategy and Human Security,” in: Central Asia: Introspection...,p. 169.
K. Kak, “India’s Strategic and Security Interests in Central Asia,” in: Central Asia: Present Challenges and Fu-ture Prospects..., p. 208.
P. Stobdan, “Central Asia and India’s Security...,” p. 60.
K. Warikoo, “Security Challenges in South and Central Asia,” Himalayan and Central Asian Studies, Vol. 10,No. 1, January-March 2006, p. 7.
K.S. Sidhu, op. cit., p. 177.
A.M. Chenoy, op. cit., p. 185.
A. Dhaka, op. cit., p. 110.
S. Jha, “Russia’s Policy Towards Central Asia After Soviet Disintegration,” in: Central Asia: Introspection...,
P. Stobdan, ‘Regional Issues in Central Asia: Implications for South Asia...,” p. 249.
See: N.K. Mohapatra, op. cit., p. 49.
See: U.A. Nazarov, op. cit., p. 3.
See: Ibid., p. 8.
From a conversation with Muthu Kumar, Joint Secretary, India’s Ministry of External Affairs, 19 October, 2006.
See, for example: Shams ud Din Ahmad, “Geo-Politics, Violence and Regime Change in Central Asia,” in: Cen-
tral Asia: Introspection..., pp. 143-153.
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