THE GREAT GAME IN THE EURASIAN HEARTLAND: NEW SPIRAL
Abstract
The collapse of the Soviet Union revived active geopolitical processes of regional and global dimensions across Central Asia. This could not but bring to mind the post-imperial past when the region was an arena for the great geopolitical game between Soviet Russia (which replaced the Russian Empire) and the British Empire.
Today, the situation is much more complicated in many respects. In the early 20th century, two main players operated in a region full of weak states (Afghanistan, the Bukhara Emirate, and the like). In the early 21st century, many more outside actors are involved: Russia, the U.S. and the E.U. complete with NATO, their military component, China, Iran, Pakistan, and India.
Within the region, all the local states (Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan) are actively positioning themselves as geopolitical entities of particular importance. Their elites have already formulated their national interests and are busy with fairly consistent strategies for their defense and promotion. The effects, however, vary depending on the countries geopolitical potential.
Afghanistan is another system-forming factor of regional geopolitics that affects, if not all, at least many of their aspects. This is a unique country that geopolitically belongs to three regions—Central Asia, the Middle East, and South Asia—while remaining, to a certain extent, a sub-region with a development logic of its own.
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On 1 December, Taliban fighters attacked the Faysal transport terminal and destroyed 12 trucks that were moving
armored Hammer off-roads to the coalition troops in Afghanistan. The attack took place in Peshawar in the northwest of
Pakistan. An even larger attack followed on 8 December in the same area. Two hundred and fifty fighters destroyed a large
convoy of 106 trucks moving foodstuffs and military equipment. Fuel tanks being taken to the American troops are regularly destroyed in the Khyber Pass.
Under the U.N. mandate, the American airbase was deployed at Manas airport in December 2001 to support the
Invincible Freedom operation. It has 1,200 U.S. servicemen deployed on a permanent basis, military transport aircraft, and
fuel-supply planes.
According to official information, Kyrgyzstan is rewarded a mere $17.5 million a year for the use of its base. According to CENTCOM Commander General Petraeus, the sum is much higher—at least $63 million. The Foreign Ministry
of Kyrgyzstan insists that since 2001 the country has not been receiving anything for navigation while the United States has
never paid either customs dues or taxes. These questions were regularly raised by Kyrgyzstan and were as regularly declined
by the United States.
Moscow announced, in particular, that it would extend a grant totaling $150 million, as well as $300 million on easy
terms to be repaid in 40 years at a 0.75 percent interest rate with a 7-year grace period. The loan should be used to set up a
stabilization fund. Moscow agreed to write off Kyrgyzstan’s debt of $180 million in exchange for 48 percent of Dastan’s
shares, a company that produces equipment for torpedoes. There is information that Russia was prepared to take part in the
construction of the Kambarata-1and 2 hydropower stations on the Naryn River.
See: “Pentagon: politika Moskvy vyzyvaet bespokoistvo, no bez Rossii ne oboitis,” Vesti.Ru, 19 February, 2009.
“Kirgiziia vystavliaet amerikanskuiu bazu ‘za dver,’ a obidetsia za eto SShA mogut na Rossiiu,” available at [www.
prime-tass.ru], 19 February, 2009.
See: Brzezinski: “Esli Amerika ne smozhet spravitsia, to ostalnoi mir i podavno,” Le Figaro, available at [http://
www.inosmi.ru/stories/08/11/05/3535/247550.html].
“Lessons from Soviets in Afghanistan,” The Washington Times, 18 February, 2009, available at [http://www.
washingtontimes.com/news/2009/feb/18/lessons-from-soviets-in-afghanistan/].
See: “Pakistan potreboval ot SShA oplatit voinu s Talibami,” available at [www.centrasia.ru], 23 February, 2009
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