GEORGIA’S AZERBAIJANIS: PROBLEMS OF CIVILIAN INTEGRATION
Abstract
Georgia is a polyethnic country; according to the 2002 population census, 16 percent of its population belongs to ethnic groups other than Georgian. Azerbaijanis are the most numerous among them; they live mainly in compact groups and have nothing to do with Georgia’s public and political developments, which makes it hard to integrate them into Georgian society. The velvet revolution of November 2003 brought to power new leaders who have already launched radical reforms. So far, there have been no visible changes in the civil integration of ethnic minorities.
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While in 1959 there were 153,600 Azerbaijanis (3.8 percent of the total population) living in the republic, by 1979 there were 255,700 (5.1 percent); by 1989 their number reached 307,600 (5.7 percent) (see: State Department for Statistics of Georgia.
tatistical Yearbook of Georgia, 2001, pp. 37-38, in Georgian).
See: V. Djaoshvili, Population of Georgia in the 18th-20th Centuries, Tbilisi, 1984, pp. 231-232 (in Georgian).
See: A. Totadze, “National Composition of the Population of Georgia,” Eri, No. 22, 22 May, 1991 (in Georgian).
Azerbaijanis in Georgia often complain that the official figures are deliberately understated because allegedly the state does not want the ethnic minorities acquiring the land they are living on. In the 1990s, when nationalism was very strong in Georgia, it was generally believed that given the high birthrate among the Azerbaijanis they might ask for large tracts of land; as a result certain areas would be owned by ethnic groups other than Georgian. According to the local Azerbaijanis, their numerical strength is no more than 400,000.
This was mainly caused by the outflow of Armenians and Russians from the republic. Some of the local Azerbaijanis also emigrated, but their number, as already mentioned, is supported by a relatively high birthrate compared with other ethnic groups.
ccording to the 2002 population census, there are 284,761 (6.5 percent) Azerbaijanis in Georgia; 248,929 (5.7 percent) Arme-nians; 67,671 (1.5 percent) Russians (see: State Department for Statistics of Georgia. Results of the First National, General Pop-ulation Census of 2002, Vol.1, Tbilisi, 2003, p. 110, in Georgian). According to the 1989 population census, Armenians were the largest group—37,200 (8.1 percent), then came Russians 341,200 (6.3 percent), while Azerbaijanis came third, 307,600 (5.6 percent)
see: State Department for Statistics of Georgia. Statistical..., pp. 37-38).
See: State Department for Statistics of Georgia. Results…, pp. 113-116.
Sometimes, Azerbaijanis call Kvemo Kartli Borchalo; the name is derived from the Turkmenian tribe of Borchalu that settled in the Debedskoe Gorge in the 17th century.
The autonomy of Borchalo was first mentioned in Kvemo Kartli in the late 1980s when a certain amount of ethnic tension appeared. It was the nationalist-minded groups that first spoke of autonomy; the people refused to support them. When the com-motion died down, there were no open talks about the autonomy. Those who do raise the issue risk arousing the displeasure of the locals; they are regarded as provocateurs.
Rezonansi, No. 135, 21 May, 2002 (in Georgian).
See: L. Fuller, “Azerbaijani Schools in Georgia Threatened with Closure,” RFL/RL Newsline, Vol. 8, No. 68, 13 April,2004, Part I.
Information supplied by the Ministry of Education of Georgia about the non-Georgian schools functioning in Georgia in the 2003/2004 academic year.
For this reason the new state flag of Georgia with five red crosses against a white background adopted after the revolu-tion and obviously connected with Christianity caused certain friction. Later, Azerbaijanis did not protest about it (see: L. Fuller,R. Giragosian, “Georgian Leadership Woos Armenian, Azerbajani Minorities,” RFE/RL Newsline, Vol. 8, No. 25, February 2004,Part I, 9.
See: Z. Mikatadze, “The Linguistic Problem in Kvemo Kartli Threatens the Country’s Future,” Rezonansi, No. 165,21 June, 2004.
See: Z. Baazov, “Georgian Azeris Locked Out by Language,” CRS, No. 145, 5 September, 2002.
The story widely known among the local people says that during the 2000 presidential elections in Georgia, the Azerba-ijanis were looking for the name of Azerbaijani President Heydar Aliev in their ballot papers.
It was only after the revolution that the local people started receiving 15-minute long broadcasts in their native tongue.
See: Z. Agaev, “Georgia’s Azeris Want Media in Their Language,” Baku Sun, Vol. 6, No. 13, 11-17 April, 2003.
Speech by Suleiman Suleimanov, Chairman of the Union of Azerbaijanis of Georgia, at the Conference “Georgia is a Multinational State.” Tbilisi, 4-5 March, 2002, p. 19.
See: Z. Baazov, op. cit.
See: L. Iremashvili, “Georgia’s Red Bridge Ordeal,” Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), Caucasus Report-ing Service, No. 147, 20 September, 2002.
See: Z. Kechakmadze, “The Situation between the Non-Georgian Population and Georgian Border Guards in the Marneuli District Became Complicated,” Rezonansi, No. 252, 16 December, 2002.
See: F. Ismailzade, “Georgia’s Treatment of Azeri Minority Raises Concerns,” Eurasianet Organization, 23 June, 2004.
See: M. Mamedov, “Azerbaijantsev ne privlekaiut k stroitel’stvu gruzinskogo uchastka BTD,” Zerkalo, 3 October, 2003.
See: Azerbaijanskaia obshchina v Gruzii. Etnokonfessional’nye gruppy i problemy grazhdanskoy integratsii v Gruzii,Kavkazskiy institut mira, demokratii i razvitia, Tbilisi, 2002, p. 17; see also: A. Stepanian, Z. Khalilov, “Polozhenie etnicheskikh men’shinstv v gruzinskom obshchestve,” Odno obshchestvo, mnogo etnosov—etnicheskoe mnogoobrazie i grazhdanskaia inte-gratsia v Gruzii, Kavkazskiy institut mira, demokratii i razvitia, Tbilisi, 2003, p. 101.
See: M. Verdoshvili, “People of Kvemo Kartli Demand Land,” Dilis gazeti, No. 68, 23 March, 2004 (in Georgian).
See: AzerNews, 3 June, 2004.
Members of national minorities frequently complain that it is latent discrimination that keeps them away from civil service.
For more detail about the 2002 local elections in Kvemo Kartly, see: Handbook on the 2002 Local Elections, National-Democratic Institute, Tbilisi, 2003, pp. 155-172 (in Georgian).
See: AzerNews, 3 June, 2004.
Even though under Shevardnadze the social-economic situation of the local Azerbaijanis did not improve, he had the support of these people, who remembered Gamsakhurdia and the nationalist organizations only too well. Friendship between Shevardnadze and Aliev, who was highly respected by the local people, also played its role.
To help Shevardnadze win, the leaders of Azerbaijan even sent their close relatives to Georgia. On the eve of the parlia-mentary elections of 2 November, 2003, Heydar Aliev’s brother came to Kvemo Kartli to support Shevardnadze (see: Z. Kechak-madze, “Aliev’s Brother Helps Georgian Authorities on the Eve of Elections,” Rezonansi, No. 272, 7 October, 2003).
See: T. Mchedlishvili, “The Most Dangerous Scenario of the Election Campaign,” 24 Saati, No. 257, 27 September,2003 (in Georgian); L. Nuri, “Osobennosti gruzinskoy izbiratel’noy kampanii,” Zerkalo, 2 October, 2003.
See: E. Alekperov, “My podderzhivaem Eduarda Shevardnadze,” Ekho, No. 189, 3 October, 2003.
See: M. Mamedov, op. cit.
For detailed information about the results of the early parliamentary and presidential elections visit the website of the Central Election Commission of Georgia [www.cec.gov.ge].
See: M. Miri, “Saakashvili rasschityvaet na podderzhku azerbaijantsev,” Zerkalo, 15 December, 2003.
See: T. Lobzhanidze, “Georgia: Azerbaijanis opt for Saakashvili,” IWPR’s Caucasus Reporting Service, No. 225, 1 April,2004.
See: M. Bagirov, “Aktsii protesta azebaijantsev v Gruzii spravedlivy,” Ekho, No. 196, 14 October, 2003.
For example, the village that bears the Georgian name of Talaveri is known as Fakhralo among the Azerbaijanis; the Georgian Mamkhuti-Sarachlo (Savaneti Imirasan) is called Nakhiduri-Arakhlo.
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