ON THE RESULTS OF THE SPECIAL PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS IN KAZAKHSTAN
Abstract
The current political season will certainly occupy a special place in Kazakhstan’s most recent history. It is no exaggeration to say that the political reform going on in the country is a symbolic event that has significantly changed the political arena and configuration of forces in the republic. This process was launched in May when amendments to the country’s Constitution called upon to bring the economic and political development processes in Kazakhstan into harmony with each other were adopted. They were primarily aimed at introducing a presidential-parliamentary form of rule in the country. The president’s deliberate transfer of some powers to the political parties and the parliament was not only a sign of the constructive development of the political system, but also a strategically tested step that greatly accelerated political modernization in Kazakhstan.
The change in the parliament’s status and possibilities led to disbandment of the lower house and the decision to hold special elections to the Majilis on 18 August, 2007.1 Analysts give a variety of reasons why the deputy corps of the third convocation became a thing of the past, but this step seems very logical, since it was dictated by the amendments to the Constitution, and they, in turn, were a demand of the times. There are no other clear reasons for the disbandment, since the Majilis’ activity was not criticized in the government or society, and the house operated quite efficiently. This step also meets the interests of Kazakhstan’s democratic development and the tasks of the country’s accelerated modernization.
Elections according to the proportional system held for the first time in Kazakhstan’s history were not only an innovation for all the political forces and society as a whole but were also a test of the party system’s maturity. Few had any idea what a political party’s tactics, or its relations with the republic’s elite, should be in the new situation. For the first time, a list of leaders had to be compiled, which was offered to the voters as the party’s overall image. Public opinion polls acquired an entirely different nature, and the fervor aroused by the party ratings on a national scale was one of the most entertaining elements of the past election marathon.2
In so doing, many experts christened them “no-intrigue elections” even before the actual campaign began, since the favorite and the results were known in advance. The results surprised everyone and gave rise to all kinds of different assessments. But all the same, despite all the ambiguity and unexpectedness of the election results, political reform in Kazakhstan is an important and long-term step, for the country has in fact transferred from one system to another—from the ex-Soviet Kazakh S.S.R. and a post-Soviet new formation with unclear legitimacy to a systemic national state.3 The past election campaign was a logical continuation of this reform. The government gave society another clear signal that it was steering a steady course toward democratization of the country and that political modernization would not be halted or conserved
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References
See: Decree of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbaev No. 350 “About Dissolution of the Ma-jilis of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan of the Third Convocation and Appointment of Extraordinary Elections of the Deputies of Majilis of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan,” Akorda, Astana, 20 June, 2007, available at [http://election.kz/portal/page?_pageid=153,1&_dad=portal&_schema=PORTAL].
See: S. Akimbekov, “Goriachee leto?” Kontinent, No. 13 (198), 4-17 July, 2007.
See: Iu. Solozobov, “Kazakhstan—vazhneyshiy interfeys Rossii,” RIA Novosti, 3 August, 2007, available at [www.rian.ru].
Parties were listed in keeping with their position in the voting bulletins.
See: A. Tastenov, “Semero smelykh. S chem idut kazakhstanskie partii na vybory?” available at [http://
ww.centrasia.ru/newsA.php4?st=1186126800].
Ibidem.
Ibidem.
Ibidem.
Ibidem.
Ibidem.
See: “Glava gosudarstva prinial uchastie v zasedanii Soveta Assamblei naroda Kazakhstana,” available at [http://
ww.nomad.su/?a=3-200708070333].
According to the information of the RIA Novosti Information Agency, available at [www.rian.ru].
According to the data of the Kazakhstan Central Elections Commission, available at [www.election.kz].
See the weekly monitoring reports at [www.zonakz.net].
See: Vybory: monitoring SMI, available at [http://ndp-nurotan.kz/?f=show&ft=27&type=11&id=29084504659].
The third session of a permanent round table organized by the CEC was held in Astana with the participation of
representatives of political parties on the topic “On the Course of the Election Campaign and its Coverage in the Mass Media,” available at [www.nomad.su/?a=3-2007081002].
“Chlen KNPK obviniaet OSDP v ‘destabilizatsii politicheskoi obstanovki,’” available at [www.nomad.su/?a=3-200708100329].
According to the data of the Institute of Comparative Social Studies “CESSI-Kazakhstan,” available at [www.e.gov.kz/sailau2007?lan=ru].
Appendix to the resolution of the Kazakhstan Central Elections Commission of 22 August, 2007, No. 113/242,available at [www.election.kz].
See: I. Nevolin, “Rezultaty golosovaniia prevzoshli vse ozhidaniia,” Liter, 20 August, 2007.
See: L. Tusupbekova, “Tolko vmeste! Tolko vpered!” Kazakhstanskaia pravda, 22 August, 2007.
According to the Kazakhstan CEC, available at [www.election.kz].
See: S. Mekebaev, “Togo, kto vyshel iz naroda, obratno ne zamanish,” Vremia, 23 August, 2007.
According to the data of the Kazakhstan CEC, available at [www.election.kz].
According to the information of the Khabar Information Agency, available at [www.khabar.kz].
See: “Upolnomochennye etnosom,” available at [www.nomad.su/?a=3-200708070332].
Appendix to the resolution of the Kazakhstan CEC of 22 August, 2007, No. 113/242.
According to the data of the Kazakhstan CEC, available at [www.election.kz].
A. Dubnov, “Kazakhskaia SSR,” available at [www.vremya.ru].
See: D. Popazov, “Proverka reform proshla uspeshno,” Kazakhstanskaia pravda, 21 August, 2007.
See: “Politiki SShA o vyborakh v Kazakhstane.” According to the information of the Khabar Information Agen-cy of 15 August, 2007.
See: I. Nevolin, op. cit.
According to the results of the presidential election in 2005, Nursultan Nazarbaev gathered 91.15% of the votes.
See: “Piat prichin pobedy. Pochemu partiia vlasti vyigrala vybory,” available at [http://www.liter.kz/site.php?lan=russian&id=151&pub=8035].
See: B. Karimov, “Sistemnyy krizis kazakhstanskoi oppozitsii,” available at [www.nomad.su/?a=3-200708030328].
E. Ertysbaev, “Slagaemye pobedy,” Kazakhstanskaia pravda, 22 August, 2007.
See: “Piat prichin pobedy. Pochemu partiia vlasti vyigrala vybory.”
“Avtoritetno,” Kazakhstanskaia pravda, 21 August, 2007.
E. Ertysbaev, op. cit.
See: I. Azar, “Legitimnyy nursultanat,” available at [www.gazeta.ru].
See: Iu. Solozobov, op. cit.
See: A. Karavaev, “Nur Otan” vosparil nad realnostiu (“Edinaia Rossia” dolzhna zadumatsia),” available at [www.ia-centr.ru/public_details.php?id=798].
V. Iadukha, “Stepnaia demokratiia,” RBK Daily, 20 August, 2007.
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