GUAM: OLD PROBLEMS AND NEW CHALLENGES
Abstract
The post-Soviet states, which deemed it necessary to set up regional structures, have done and are doing their best to identify foreign policy priorities geared toward their national interests.
In fact, until the mid-1990s, when at least some of the states remained vague about their foreign policy orientations, no regional alliances were possible. For many reasons the Common Caucasian Home idea can be dismissed as still born.
By the mid-1990s, most of the new independent states had formulated more or less clear foreign policy ideas and were prepared to ally with fellow thinkers. As a result, several regional structures were set up.
In 1997, several countries intent on pursuing foreign and domestic policies independent of the Russian Federation set up GUAM.1 While the situation remained stable, with Moscow retreating under Western pressure, the contradictions inside the organization remained dormant; after the war in South Ossetia, however, some members deemed it necessary to readjust their regional priorities. The conflict laid bare the contradictions present in this structure (in fact no postSoviet organization is free from them). Vladimir Papava has offered the following comment: “The fact that this structure has existed for many years shows that each country individually, as well as the organization they represent as a whole still have many unresolved problems.”2
The war in South Ossetia bred pessimism about the future of GUAM in the expert community. At least some of its members, Modest Kolerov3 being one of them, doubted its chances for survival because of Russia’s greater role. Those who asserted this proceeded from the fate of similar organizations.
Indeed, GUAM, like the Single Economic Expanse, the CIS, and certain other structures, has not avoided a great share of skepticism.4 Indeed, the diverging foreign policy interests of the Russian Federation and GUAM occasionally developed into open confrontation. On top of this, GUAM has enough inner ulcers of its own which have finally brought it face to face with the threat of de facto disappearance.
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It was set up on 10 October, 1997 at the Strasbourg Summit of the Council of Europe by the communique issued by the four members of the new structure (Georgia, Ukraine,Azerbaijan and Moldova.) It was a result of discussions on the flank agreements on conventional forces in Europe at the OSCE Permanent Council. The Strasbourg declaration was adopted as a final document.
Uzbekistan joined GUAM on 24 April 1999 at the Washington NATO summit which transformed the GUAM into GUUAM.
On 5 May, 2005, Uzbekistan left GUUAM, which forced the Kiev Summit of 22-23 May, 2006 to supply the structure with a new name, Organization for Democratic and Economic Development—GUAM (ODEC-GUAM).
V. Papava, “On the Role of the ‘Caucasian Tandem’
n GUAM,” Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 3-4 (51-52),2008, p. 47.
See: M. Kolerov, “Novyi Bolshoi Kavkaz: vzaimnoe sderzhivanie bez chuzhikh. Chego uzhe net i chto mozhet byt,” available at [http: www.regnum.ru], 21 August, 2008.
See, for example: L.M. Grigoriev, M.R. Salikhov,GUAM: piatnadtsat let spustia. Sdvigi v ekonomike Azerbaid-zhana, Gruzii, Moldavii i Ukrainy. 1991-2006, REGNUM,Moscow, 2007; R.S. Grinberg, L.Z. Zevin et al., 10 let Sod-ruzhestva Nezavisimykh Gosudarstv: illiuzii, razocharovani-ia, nadezhdy, IMEPI RAN, Moscow, 2001.
D. Voronkova, “Etapy razvitiia GUUAM,” Part 1, available at [www.ia-centr.ru], 19 June, 2007.
Ibidem.
V. Mitiaev, “Gruziia na Velikom Shelkovom puti,” Gruziia: problemy i perspektivy razvitiia, Vol. 1, RISI, Mos-cow, 2001, p. 310.
The GUUAM presidents announced in Washington that the bloc had arrived at the following decisions:
“1. To strengthen and improve the mechanism of consolidation and coordination of actions within the framework of international organizations and to promote actively the practice of joint statements at various levels.
“2. To develop interaction within the framework of the Euro-Atlantic Partnership Council and NATO’s Partnership for Peace.
“3. To reaffirm the intention to intensify efforts to bring about peace on the basis of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the states concerned.
“…7. Pledge of cooperation in developing a Europe-Caucasus-Asia transport corridor on the basis of the results of the International Conference on the Restoration of the Historic Silk Road held in Baku in September 1998…”
GUUAM (GUAM) followed the above reconfirmed by all later documents (see: The Washington Statement of the Presidents of the Azerbaijan Republic, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova, Ukraine and the Republic of Uzbekistan, avail-able at GUAM’s official sites [www.guam.org.ua] and [www.guuam.org]).
See: D. Voronkova, op. cit., Part 2, available at [www.ia-centr.ru], 20 June, 2007.
See: “Expert: ‘Tolko Karabakh derzhit Azerbaidzhan v sostave GUAM-a,’” available at [www.regnum.ru], 24 May, 2006.
T. Valasek, “Military Cooperation between Georgia, Ukraine, Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan and Moldova in the GUUAM Framework,” Policy Brief, No. 2, Caspian Studies Program, Cambridge, Mass., December 2000.
R. Ismailov, “Azerbaidzhan, Gruziia i Turtsiia: sozdanie transportnogo triumvirata?” available at [www.eurasianet.org], 8 February, 2007.
V. Voronin, “My s Vladimirom Putinym davno poteriali vkus k sobstvennym khotelkam,” available at [http.//www.
ommersant.ru], 11 March, 2008.
See: “Strany GUAM ne podderzhali Gruziiu,” available at [http.//www.regnum.ru], 16 October, 2006.
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