LEADER IDEOLOGY IN POST-SOVIET TAJIKISTAN
Abstract
Ideology is one of the foundations of authoritative regimes and forms the image of their leaders. Using Uzbekistan as an example, A.
arch comes to the conclusion that the ideological system imposed by the state has a tangible impact on society, even one that has already lived at one time under the communist ideology.1 Based on an analysis of several special features of the development of the post-Communist countries (and several others), the conclusion is drawn that during a political regime change, the population can be ideologically “reset.” After a new ideology has been repeatedly fed to the people over the span of several years, it becomes a conscious or subconscious element of society’s mindset.2 Thus ideology plays a significant role in state- and nation-building, particular after the formation of new states or territorial units.
The new system forms in several interdependent dimensions. The first, chronologically, is historical ideology. The existence of a historical past that goes back into antiquity sets a nation or nationality above others (usually its neighbors).
research studies in this area are leading to the rapid development of archeology and myth creation about antiquity. Another goal of historical ideology is searching for the most significant periods in history of a certain territory (or nation) which are frequently associated with certain out-standing personalities: “great” nations are regard-ed as the predecessors of present-day territorial units, and heroes are associated with the leaders of the most recent times (presidents or monarchs),
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References
See: A. March, “From Leninism to Karimovism:
egemony, Ideology, and Authoritarian Legitimation,” in:
ost-Soviet Affairs, Vol. 19, Issue 4, 2003, p. 309.
Ideological frameworks also exist (albeit in vaguer form) in the so-called democratic regimes of Europe. Exam-ples are a certain kind of anti-Islamic ideology, advancing the ideology of a democratic society, and so on. In democratic countries there is usually no single ideological system that might be spread by monopolized mass media, as is the case in authoritarian regimes.
See my previous works on Turkmen ideology: S. Ho-rák, S. Riazanova, “Mifologicheskoe i religioznoe v ideologii postsovetskogo Turkmenistana,” in: Politeks, No. 2, 2006,pp. 323-331; S. Horák, “Mify velikogo Turkmenbashi,” in:
estnik Evrazii—Acta Eurasica, No. 2 (28), 2005, pp. 105-133; Idem, “Portret prezidenta Turkmenbashi kak osnova turkmenskogo rezhima,” in: Vestnik Evrazii—Acta Eurasica,No. 3, 2007, pp. 139-165. For more on the ideology of post-Niyazov Turkmenistan, see S. Horák, J. Šír, “Dismantling Totalitarianism? Turkmenistan under Berdymuhammedov,”in: Silk Road Studies Paper. Central Asia and The Cauca-sus Institute — Silk Road Studies Program, Washington,Stockholm, March 2009, pp. 32-43.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, Mirotvorets, Adib, Dushanbe, 2004, pp. 21-22.
For more on Rakhmon possibly coming from a family of saints and on the reasons for looking for saints among the renowned people of Central Asia in general, see: S. Abashin, “Potomki sviatykh v sovremennoi Srednei Azii,” in: Et-nograficheskoe obozrenie, No. 4, 2001, pp. 62-83 (see also: V.I. Bushkov and D.V. Mikulsky, Anatomiia grazhdanskoi voiny v Tadzhikistane, RAS Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Moscow, 1997, pp. 138-139).
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., pp. 25-28.
Ibid., p. 32.
Some Tajik political scientists and historians do not fit the official historiographic mold, nor do they always uphold the official viewpoint on the Soviet period (see, for example: A. Mamadazimov, Politicheskaia istoriia Tadzhikskogo nar-oda, Donish, Dushanbe, 2000). Due to the periodical aggravation in Russian-Tajik relations, articles also appear that accuse Soviet policy of colonialism in order to find favor with the president and condone his current policy.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 31.
See: S. Fattoev, “Prezident Emomali Rakhmonov,” in: Emomali Rakhmonov: nasha tsel’—edinstvo, soglasie, sozi-danie, Irfon, Dushanbe, 2000, pp. 112-113.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 39.
Interviews in Dangara in July 2006 and February 2008.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 106.
Interview with former official in Kulob, July 2006, interview with former high-ranking official in Dushanbe, July 2006.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 36.
See, for example: A. Dostiev, Sitorai Golib, Matbuot, Dushanbe, 2006; 15-bakhorii Istiklol (nasr va azm), Adib,Dushanbe, 2006 (see also: E. Rahmonov, The Tajiks in the Mirror of History, Volume One, From the Aryans to the Sama-nids, River Editions, London).
See: V. Gaffori, Z. Saidov, Vdokhnovitel’ national’nogo renessansa, NIAT Khovar, Dushanbe, 2007, p. 37.
Interview with a school director in the Sarvod Region, July 2003.
See: A. Sharipov, “Emomali Rakhmonov. Prezidenti mo! Our President! Nash Prezident!” Manuscript from the website [http://www.president.tj], p. 143.
See, for example, publications about the first secretary of the Uzbek Communist Party Sharaf Rashidov, who is described and shown on photographs as an outstanding Central Asian leader, a resolute and beloved politician:
Rizaev, Sharaf Rashidov, Shtrikhi k portretu, Ezuvchi-Nur, Tashkent, 1992.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit, pp. 64-67 (also see the memoirs of the then deputy and later deputy chair-man of the Supreme Soviet Abdulmajid Dostiev: A. Dostiev, op. cit., pp. 50-53).
See: M. Isin, “Geopolitika odnogo kontsa. Tsentral’noaziatskie anomalii,” 18 February, 2002, available at [http://
ww.nomad.su/?a=2-200202180100].
See: S. Kolosov, “Vostok—delo tonkoe. Tadzhikskie zametki komandira otriada,” available at [http://www.
gentura.ru/library/spetsnaz50/vostok/]. This fact is confirmed in an interview with a former member of the president’s entourage, July 2006.
See: S. Nazarov, “Retsept mira” nachali iskat’ v Khudzhande, NIAT Khovar, 13 November, 2007, available at [http://www.toptj.com/ShowNews.aspx?news_id=6898E423-302E-471D-90D4-1A9BF31F77D7].
See: V.I. Bushkov, D.V. Mikulsky, op. cit., p. 137.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 54. The following work was used for questions of oneirology: B.
ký, “The Art of Medieval Arab Oneirology,” in: Archiv Orientální (Prague), No. 4, 2005, pp. 407-428.
See: Sh. Zukhurov, Prezidenti Khalk—Prezidenti man. Emomali Rakhmonov: “Vakhdat, sulkh va bunedkori maromi most! Irfon, Dushanbe, 2000, p. 61.
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 4 October, 2006.
See: S. Fattoev, op. cit., p. 105.
In this respect, Tajik political scientist Abdugani Mamadazimov, who essentially places the leaders of the oppo-sition on essentially the same level as Rakhmon, upholds a more well-balanced approach (see: A. Mamadazimov, op. cit.,pp. 325-326).
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 71.
Despite Rakhmon’s ideological heroism, the capture of Dushanbe began at this time during a session of the Su-preme Soviet in Khujand, i.e. Rakhmon went to regions already occupied by the National Front forces that supported Ra-khmon under the command of people from Kulob and Tajikistan. It was at this time that persecution began in Dushanbe of people from the “opposition” regions of the country (Karategin, Pamir, and so on) (see: V.I. Bushkov and D.V. Mikulsky,op. cit., p. 65).
See: S. Mirzosho and Sh. Khanif give the example of the reception of a delegation of elders and askakals from Khissor (see: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 74).
See: V. Vorobiev, “Sem’ let prezidenta,” in: Emomali Rakhmonov: nasha tsel’—edinstvo, soglasie, sozidanie, p. 119 (see also: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 17).
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., pp. 68-69.
Ibid., pp. 152-168.
See: A. Mamadazimov, op. cit., p. 327.
An example of this peacekeeping is Emomali Rakhmon’s speech from the U.N. rostrum (see: A. Sharipov, Z. Si-rodzhov, 2005—God kul’tury mira, Davashtich, Dushanbe, p. 8).
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., pp. 145-146.
Ibid., p. 184.
See: S. Fattoev, op. cit., p. 107.
Ibid., p. 118. This assertion can be challenged keeping in mind the catastrophic socioeconomic situation in the country, which only partially improved after the war and is maintained largely by migrant workers.
See: A. Dostiev, op. cit., p. 52.
One of the teachers I interviewed showed me essay topics for upper-classmen that were related to this period. By way of example, the following topics can be given: “The President’s Courage During the Civil War,” “Path to Peace in Tajikistan and President Rakhmonov.” Interview with a primary school teacher in Dushanbe, July 2006.
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 21 June, 2006.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 83.
See: S. Fattoev, op. cit., p. 106.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 67.
See: V. Vorobiev, op. cit., p. 120.
See: S. Fattoev, op. cit, p. 111.
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 9 September, 2005.
Narodnaia gazeta, 11 October, 2006.
See: “Semia—osnova i opora gosudarstva,” in: V. Gaffori, Z. Saidov, op. cit.
S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., pp. 117-119.
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 26 December, 2007.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., p. 143.
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 30 August, 2005.
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 23 August, 2005.
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 4 December, 2006.
See: S. Mirzosho, Sh. Khanif, op. cit., pp. 136-138.
The ideological resetting in Turkmenistan after the death of first president Saparmurat Turkmenbashi could serve as an example. Although the content changed when creating the new image of a leader, the form remained almost the same and led to a new personality cult in the country (see: S. Horák, J. Šír, op. cit.).
See: Narodnaia gazeta, 27 June, 2006.
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