ELECTIONS IN THE TURKMENISTAN POWER SYSTEM
Abstract
The Central Asian countries have failed to grasp the meaning of election campaigns as the central and inalienable element of democracy. The larger part of the region’s ruling elite still looks at elections as an embellishment of authoritarian regimes of all hues. In Central Asia, the question of who will rule in the name of people—the reason why elections are carried out throughout the world—is discussed and settled in high places long before the nation is called to take part in a vote-casting spectacle.
Any spectacle requires directors and professional actors, the role of the latter being entrusted to political parties and prominent politicians. For some reason, the skills of the Kazakhstani actors are much higher than elsewhere in the region, therefore elections in Kazakhstan look more plausible.
No matter how well orchestrated, the spectacles do flop occasionally. The latest such flop took place in Kyrgyzstan in the spring of 2005. The script supplied by Akaev’s team for the parliamentary election was discarded: the docile Kyrgyz audience was fed up with the old play. All of a sudden, the people climbed up onto the stage and made drastic changes to the script. This is a rare exception. Normally, elections in Central Asia follow the route laid by the communists when the Soviet Union was still alive. All that has changed is that different actors are presenting the same old play with new stage sets. Just as before, the authorities are determining the election results, not vice versa.
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References
See: A. Kurtov, “Presidential Elections in Central Asia,” Central Asia and the Caucasus, No. 6 (18), 2002.
The parliamentary election of 27 February, 2005 may serve as an example. There were six registered political parties in Tajikistan. As distinct from Kazakhstan, the Tajik leaders did not set up artificial opposition structures. A large part of the opposition is legal. There are some oppositional organizations, politicians, and journalists not allowed to work openly in the republic. They work clandestinely or in exile.
Ustav Demokraticheskoy partii Turkmenistana. The version adopted by its congress on 19 December, 1998, Ash-ghabad, 1999.
As distinct from Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, the referendum in Turkmenistan took place long before the president’s term expired: Niyazov was obviously not afraid of losing his post—he wanted to add more luster to his totalitarian system.
Khalk Maslakhaty is “the highest representative body of legislative power of Turkmenistan” with no analogies in the world.
According to the Turkmenian media, all candidates received unanimous support at the meetings which nominated them (see, for example, Neytral’ny Turkmenistan, 17 November, 2004).
The nomination campaign lasted from 4 to 18 November; the candidates were registered by 24 November, while the first round of elections took place on 19 December.
See: Neytral’ny Turkmenistan, 8 January, 2005.
Neytral’ny Turkmenistan, 16 December, 2004.
He was finally elected deputy.
Velaiat—an administrative-territorial unit (region).
Etrap—an administrative-territorial unit (district).
This refers to S. Niyazov (serdar is “leader” in Turkmenian).
Neytral’ny Turkmenistan, 24 November, 2004.
See: Neytral’ny Turkmenistan, 1 December, 2004.
See: Neytral’ny Turkmenistan, 20 December, 2004.
These constituencies contained 230 polling stations.
In the constituency in which President Niyazov also voted.
See: Neytral’ny Turkmenistan, 4 January, 2005.
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